“We have no intention of tying ourselves to any particular nation or group… We propose to avoid entanglement in any blocs of powers.” — Jawaharlal Nehru, 1947
Nehru was not just Prime Minister but also External Affairs Minister. He crafted a distinctive foreign policy—non-alignment—that sought to navigate between the Cold War superpowers. This chapter examines India’s role in the newly decolonizing world and Nehru’s vision of a third path between capitalism and communism.
Nehru rejected the Cold War framework that divided the world into American and Soviet camps. He argued that newly independent nations should pursue their own interests rather than becoming pawns in superpower rivalry.
Non-alignment did not mean neutrality—Nehru had strong views on international issues. It meant India would judge each issue on its merits rather than automatically following Washington or Moscow.
In 1955, India co-hosted the Asian-African Conference at Bandung, Indonesia—a gathering of 29 newly independent nations. This was the birth of the “Third World” as a political concept.
Bandung brought together leaders like Nasser (Egypt), Sukarno (Indonesia), Zhou Enlai (China), and Nehru. They articulated a vision of Afro-Asian solidarity against colonialism and racial discrimination. The “Bandung Spirit” inspired anti-colonial movements worldwide.
In 1954, India and China signed an agreement on Tibet that included the “Panchsheel”—five principles of peaceful coexistence. These became the cornerstone of Nehru’s foreign policy vision.
The Panchsheel agreement represented Nehru’s hope for peaceful relations with China. “Hindi-Chini bhai-bhai” (Indians and Chinese are brothers) became a popular slogan. This optimism would prove tragically misplaced.
India’s relations with both the United States and Soviet Union were complex. America was suspicious of non-alignment, seeing it as soft on communism. The Soviets were more accommodating.
The United States signed military pacts with Pakistan (SEATO, CENTO), infuriating India. Washington saw Pakistan as a useful ally against communism; India saw American weapons in Pakistani hands as a threat. This pushed India closer to the Soviets.
The Soviet Union provided economic aid, built steel plants, and supported India on Kashmir at the UN. By the late 1950s, Indo-Soviet relations were warmer than Indo-American ones—though Nehru maintained formal non-alignment.
Nehru was a passionate anti-colonialist. India supported independence movements across Africa and Asia, offered moral and sometimes material support, and became a voice for the colonized at the United Nations.
India supported Indonesian independence against the Dutch, spoke out against apartheid in South Africa, and championed decolonization at the UN. This gave India moral stature in the Third World far beyond its economic or military power.
India’s anti-colonialism faced a contradiction: Portuguese colonies (Goa, Daman, Diu) on Indian soil. After years of failed diplomacy, India invaded in December 1961 and annexed these territories.
The Western press condemned India’s action as aggression. Nehru defended it as liberation from colonialism. The episode revealed tensions between Nehru’s commitment to peaceful methods and his determination to complete India’s territorial integrity.
Non-alignment had its critics. Some saw it as morally evasive—refusing to take sides between democracy and totalitarianism. Others noted that India’s “non-alignment” often tilted Soviet.
The policy also proved unable to protect India from Chinese aggression in 1962. Non-alignment was no shield against a determined adversary. The 1962 war would force a painful reassessment of Nehru’s foreign policy assumptions.
“Non-alignment is not mere neutrality or abstention from the great issues of the day. It is an affirmation of certain values and a commitment to certain causes.” — Jawaharlal Nehru